Wednesday, July 17, 2013

UPCOMING NCA PANEL


 
Giving and Getting: Protective and Corrective Facework and Obligation in Asia and the U.S.

Unit:
International and Intercultural Communication Division


Chair:
Mary Jiang Bresnahan
Michigan State University


 
Respondent:
Deborah A Cai
Temple University


Description:

Overview Description of the Proposed Panel:
The lead paper by Tae-Seop Lim and Sang-Yeon Kim presents an updating of Lim and Bowers 1991 extension of Brown and Levinson's facework theory with special consideration of the work that Lim has done on Asiacentric understanding of facework (Lim, 2004, 2012). The paper by Wuyu Liu focuses on cultural differences in the perception and extent of obligation for Chinese and Euro-Americans. Yi Zhu's examination of corrective facework in China and the U.S. develops and operationalizes fellowship, autonomy, and competence face values based on the Lim and Bowers model. The paper by Ying Cheng tests whether making Confucian values salient in a public or private failure event involving dishonesty has any impact on face loss, guilt, and shame. Professor Cai's paper revisits her earlier work on Chinese obligation. She also provides a critique of the four papers in this panel.

Rationale:

This panel brings together three seasoned scholars who have studied issues of face, obligation and culture and 3 promising new scholars. Facework is a culturally sensitive construct and a source of interest to the NCA membership. People in several divisions are conducting studies of facework. Contributors to this panel have expertise in intercultural communication and face issues. The panel also advances facework theory in an exciting way that is sensitive to culture. Possible Co-Sponsors for this panel: Interpersonal Communication Division, Language & Social Interaction Division, and Chinese Communication Association

Supporting Files


Papers

The impact of Holism, Cognitive Relativity, and Culture on Face Need across the U.S., Korea, and Japan

This paper describes holism and cognitive relativity as two important predictors of face needs, and examines the similarities and dissimilarities across the three cultures in the relationships between holism, cognitive relativity, and face needs. Holism refers to the inclination to see social or natural entities as single, irreducible wholes, not sums of their parts. Individuals with high relational holism tend to identify themselves with their friends, families, and colleagues. Cognitive relativism is the propensity to see, think, and act relatively. Individuals with high cognitive relativity think that people are under different conditions, so they need to be differentially judged: Persons with higher social status must satisfy stricter standards than those with lower social status. We will first develop measures of face needs, holism, and cognitive relativity, then investigate differences and similarities between Americans, Japanese, and Koreans in face needs and the ways in which holism and cognitive relativism determine face needs. In this study, we want to keep distance from two extreme perspectives in the study of face: universalism that believes a simple set of rules can explain all cultures and particularism that subscribes to the myth of culture: "It's because of CULTURE." We believe that identifying commonness is as important as finding differences, and looking into the convergence between cultures is as necessary as studying how cultures reproduce themselves. Everyone knows culture makes differences, but we here want to know WHAT of culture makes the differences. Holism and Cognitive relativity are personal dispositions that can be isolated from culture to explain differences in face work across cultures.

Author
Tae Seop Lim
University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee


Co-Author
Sang-Yeon Kim
University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee


Cultural Differences in Obligation and Reciprocity in China and the US

This paper investigates a concept that is closely related to facework concerns-the meaning and extent of interpersonal, ingroup obligation across cultures. Chinese are described as valuing relative positioning with respect to important in-group members and maintaining interdependence with relational partners (Hwang, 1987). In collectivist cultures, much more effort is put into other and mutual facework compared to self-facework in individualist cultures. Obligation and reciprocity are important Confucian values. Chinese selfhood is governed by the principle of reciprocity 'guanxi' (Ho et al., 2001). Bedford (2004) describes nei jiu which is the inner feeling that is experienced in failing in obligation to others (p. 31). The study measures pro-self and relational-self orientations and also manipulates three levels of obligation-low, moderate, and high obligation. The study is framed in Goei and Boster's (2005) theory of aversive versus benevolent obligation. While the results of this study are still being analyzed at the time of the submission of this proposal, we predict that Euro-American participants will see obligation to others as more aversive and will show more reluctance to engage in an obligation relationship whether low, moderate, or high compared to Chinese. Chinese participants are likely to show more agreement that obligation is benevolent and will be more likely to agree to help across all obligation conditions.

Author
Wuyu Liu
Michigan State University


Restoring Other-Face: Cultural Differences in Corrective Face-work in China and the US

This paper investigates corrective facework strategies preferred by Chinese and Americans using Lim and Bowers (1991) three levels of face relations-competence face, autonomy face, and fellowship face. The study predicts that autonomy face will be a greater concern for American participants while fellowship face is more consistent with Chinese values. Both Americans and Chinese are theorized to value competence face. Chinese participants are predicted to have greater concern about the fear of negative evaluation (Leary, 1983). Zhu learned that in the agency condition (you talked about your friend's failing grade to others with your friend standing behind you), both Chinese and American participants opted for apologizing as their preferred strategy. However, American participants also said they would offer an excuse for their unacceptable behavior while Chinese participants indicated that they would blame the professor for an overly difficult exam. In the observer condition (you and your friend who failed the exam were there when someone else revealed that your friend failed the exam), Americans said they would offer empathy and support to their friend while Chinese indicated that they preferred avoidance. Female participants also expressed more support for the offended friend regardless of country. Finally, fear of negative evaluation (Leary, 1983) was a significant predictor of desire to repair other-face.

Author
Yi Zhu
Michigan State University


The Impact of Buddhist and Confucian Values on Face Loss, Guilt and Shame

The paper presented by Ying Cheng (The Impact of Buddhist and Confucian Values on Face Loss, Guilt and Shame) probes the role of Confucian and Buddhist values for Chinese in face loss situations. The goal of this study was to present a value-vested set of problem scenarios to prompt Chinese participants to think about important social values. Specifically, the study tests 4 experimental conditions involving plagiarism against a control condition. The study also manipulated whether the cheating was known only to the cheater or had been made public. The three dependent variables were perception of face loss, shame, and guilt. The study was conducted with 125 Chinese respondents using snowball sampling. The results of this study are still being analyzed at the time of the submission of this proposal. However, we hypothesize that respondents will show more face loss, guilt and shame when the cheating is public, and when Buddhist/Confucian values are made salient in the message. Respondents are also likely to experience high face loss, shame, and guilt when the cheating is known only to them but when Buddhist/Confucian values are made salient.

Author
Ying Cheng
Michigan State University


Response to face and obligation in Asia

Dr. Deb Cai (Temple University) is an ideal respondent for this panel. She has studied face and obligation in the cultural context of Chinese communication and only recently has published a study on cultural differences in face and obligation between Chinese and Euro-Americans. She is a nationally recognized expert in the field of intercultural communication both in the years she spent at Maryland and in her current position at Temple University. So this panel brings together an important theoretical contribution to culture and face work, three papers which advance research design and measurement issues related to core Chinese values, and an examination of aversive and benevolent perceptions of obligation. The respondent has expertise in these areas and has also thought about how to extend the study of these areas on her own apart from these papers. Taken together, these studies combine data collected from more than 900 participants in Asia and the U.S. and contribute to understanding of Asia centric values in face work.

Author
Deborah A Cai
Temple University


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